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Posts tagged justice system
Just and Safe: How to Reform Police and Criminal Justice Systems While Increasing Public Safety

By The National Institute for Criminal Justice Reform (NICJR) h

Police departments in the United States are charged with a broad set of responsibilities, and officers typically have little specialized training in the breadth of complex issues they encounter. Police are asked to respond to robberies and homicides, but they also enforce traffic rules and respond to noise complaints, domestic disputes, mental health crises, unhoused individuals, and more. Simply put, police are asked to do too much with too little. The National Institute for Criminal Justice Reform (NICJR) has conducted multiple studies analyzing the type and severity of calls for service (CFS; i.e., 911 calls) in a variety of police departments across the country, finding across the board that CFS are overwhelmingly for noncriminal or low-level incidents. For example, according to NICJR’s analysis of Oakland Police Department (OPD) calls for service data, between 2018– 2020, nearly 60% of calls responded to by OPD were for noncriminal matters. This amounted to more than 368,000 responses. And in Seattle, NICJR found that 79% of calls received were noncriminal or low-level events, and only 6% of calls were associated with felonies of any kind, violent or nonviolent.1 For this report, NICJR analyzed CFS data as well as police department (PD) budgets for 10 California cities and eight cities in other US states. Across all 18 cities:

Oakland, CA: The National Institute for Criminal Justice Reform (NICJR) , 2025. 56p

A Portrait of Modern Britain Crime and closing the ‘Toughness Gap’

By David Spencer and Alexander Tait

British policing, and the criminal justice system more widely, is in crisis. Great swathes of the public believe that those who commit crimes do not suffer sufficient consequences for their actions.1 They witness police officers being told to consider making fewer arrests,2 and a low likelihood of offenders being charged or summonsed to court.3 When they look at the criminal courts, the public see huge delays4 and lenient sentences for those that have broken the law.5 The public observe individuals in their neighbourhoods continuing a life of crime, when they should be in prison. There is a significant distance between how tough on crime and criminals the public believe the police and criminal justice system should be, and how tough on crime and criminals the public believe the police and criminal justice system currently are. We call this the ‘Toughness Gap’. And this is not just about public perception. While overall crime may have fallen over the 30 years, this headline obscures an explosion in many types of crime – including an increase in criminal offences by 12% over the last year alone.6 Robbery increased from 62,354 offences in 2021 to 82,437 in the year to September 2024.7 Knife crime increased by 88.6% between 2015 and 2024.8 Police recorded incidents of shoplifting increased by 23% between 2023 and the year to September 2024 – the highest levels since current records began over 20 years ago.9 Fraud increased by 19% over the last year.10 Between 2010 and 2018 over 70% of police stations in London were closed.11 Between 2010 and 2017 the number of police officers in England and Wales was cut by 19%, before a rapid recruitment exercise replaced some of the officers lost.12 By 2024 the number of police officers was still 3% below 2010 levels.13 As part of its ‘A Portrait of Modern Britain’ project, Policy Exchange commissioned exclusive polling on the views of the British public across a wide range of areas – including on crime and policing. This report reveals that a distinctive electoral battleground has opened on crime and policing. We reveal two key trends. (i) Firstly, there is a clear mandate for the police to adopt a tougher approach to crime than they are currently perceived to be taking. This finding is observed across every major demographic group (age, sex, ethnicity), every economic grouping and amongst supporters of every political party. (ii) Secondly, Reform UK is establishing itself as the political home for those who are most likely to be dissatisfied with policing and those who believe there is the greatest gap between how tough olicing should be and how tough policing currently is. These two trends come with lessons and warnings for other political parties – particularly the incumbent Labour Government.

London: Policy Exchange, 2025. 35p.