By Nicola Collett

In the UK, there are over 12.5 million people living with a criminal record (henceforth PWCRs). Owing to its widespread use outside of the criminal justice system, the oftenindefinite retention of such information can have long-term consequences for those who have them. This has attracted the attention of charities such as Unlock, and scholars such as those forming the Collateral Consequences of a Criminal Record Working Group1 . Notably, a significant amount of this research has focused on the experiences of prison leavers as they navigate desistance and re-integration. However, the vast majority of those living with a criminal record have not experienced incarceration, and have records relating to minor cautions or convictions having briefly interacted with the criminal justice system (CJS) in youth. This means a significant number of people living with criminal records are currently overlooked, and their experiences are not effectively captured in research. This is a considerable oversight because, as this report will demonstrate, many of these individuals face life-long stigma and discrimination despite the lesser nature of their historical offending. This report presents the key findings from doctoral research funded by Keele University. The purpose of this report is twofold. First, it seeks to illustrate the varied and often unpredictable ways criminal record disclosure can occur in both public and private life domains. Second, it will explore how PWCRs navigate such disclosures, acknowledging the highly subjective nature of criminal record experiences. In doing so, this report provides an evidence base for significantly reducing the use of criminal record information outside of the CJS, and illustrates why there is a need to develop communities of support for PWCRs. It calls for more empirical research with those living with criminal records to further understand the implications of early-life CJS interaction. Indeed, it is hoped that this report will encourage further research with those living in England and Wales with criminal records, adding to the growing evidence base for meaningful reform.

Keele, UK: Keele University, 2024. 36p.

By Darrel Thompson and Ashley Burnside

Individuals with prior felony convictions, incarcerated or not, often face “collateral consequences,” which are significant barriers imposed in addition to their sentences that can range from being denied employment to losing voting rights. Some states subject people with a drug-related felony conviction to restrictions or complete bans on food assistance under SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, formerly food stamps), cash assistance through TANF (Temporary Assistance for Needy Families), or both. This practice began in 1996 under the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA). The act imposes a lifetime ban on SNAP and TANF for those with a previous drug felony conviction, whether they have completed their time in jail or prison or received a lighter sentence due to the nonviolent and/or low-level nature of the offense. States, however, can opt to remove or modify the ban. And all states and the District of Columbia except for one, South Carolina, have either modified or removed the ban for at least one program, recognizing that it is not an effective crime deterrent, fails to address substance use disorders, and impedes reconnecting formerly incarcerated people to their families and communities. Successful reentry into society from the criminal justice system requires being able to meet basic needs such as food, health care, and housing as well as access to employment and training services. Some individuals may also need child care and/or mental health and substance use disorder treatment. Denying access to basic needs programs makes it harder for people with convictions to get back on their feet. Such exclusions are racist: they are grounded in stereotypes about who receives public assistance, and they are especially punitive for Black and Latinx communities due to the War on Drugs’ uneven enforcement of drug laws and targeting of communities of color with low incomes. This has resulted in the conviction and incarceration of disproportionate numbers of Black and Latinx people, especially Black men.1 According to the Sentencing Project, one in three Black males born in 2001 will be imprisoned at some point in their lives, compared to one in six Latinx men and one in 17 white men.2 When considering educational attainment, young men of color without a high school diploma, especially Black men, are most at risk of incarceration. In 2010, for instance, nearly one-third of Black males ages 25 to 29 who dropped out of high school were incarcerated or institutionalized.3 For women, incarceration rates have risen exponentially in recent years. While fewer women than men are incarcerated, the total number of women who have been arrested has increased by 25 percent over the past 35 years, while decreasing by 33 percent for men.4 Women, moreover, are more likely than men to be convicted of a drug offense: 26 percent of incarcerated women were convicted of a drug offense in 2018, compared to 13 percent of men, according to the Sentencing Project.5

Washington DC: CLASP, 2022. 9p.