By Juan Del Toro, Dylan B. Jackson, Ming-Te Wang

The present daily-diary study examined 13,545 daily survey assessments from 387 adolescents (Mage = 13–14; 40% male; 32% Black, 50% White, and 18% Other ethnic-racial minority) across 35 days to assess whether police stops predicted adolescents’ school disengagement through their psychological distress as a mediator. Results showed that 9% of youth experienced at least one police stop, and 66 stops occurred in total over the 35-day study course. Youth stopped by the police reported greater next-day school disengagement, and youth’s psychological distress mediated the link between police stops and school disengagement. Disengagement did not predict youth’s next-day police stops. In addition, ethnic-racial minority youth reported more negative police encounters than did White youth, and the effect of a police stop on next-day psychological distress was more negative for Other ethnic-racial minority youth. Implications for reducing police intervention in adolescents’ lives are discussed.

Dev Psychol. 2022, 23p.

By Public Works LLC

The City of Des Moines commissioned the consulting firm Public Works LLC to perform five basic functions: 1. Identify the current state as to how and what data is being collected by and within the Des Moines Police Department (DMPD) and how that data is applied to inform the practice and policies of law enforcement. 2. Identify promising (best) practices in the field of law enforcement data and show the ways that police departments are applying these practices to enhance how they collect, analyze, share, and act upon what they learn from data. 3. Conduct a needs assessment to identify gaps the DMPD faces between the current state and what could ideally be achieved by implementing promising practices in the field. 4. Identify opportunities to address those gaps and enhance what and how data is collected, analyzed, shared with the community, and acted upon. 5. Engage and learn from the community as to their perspectives and insights as to how and what law enforcement data is being collected, analyzed and shared. Public Works created a conceptual framework to research, examine, assess and organize the law enforcement data initiative we were tasked to develop. It centers upon the basic principle that data systems should achieve four core attributes – they should be accountable, analytic, transparent, and actionable. These four core data attributes serve as the architecture for the entire project, the framework for our research determining and describing the DMPD’s current state of data policy and practice, and our research in scoping out promising practices in the field of law enforcement data. This structure also guided how we determined needs, how we framed questions and gathered insights from the community and, finally, how we came to recommend action steps for the City of Des Moines to pursue in order to realize the ideal state in the field of law enforcement data policy and practice. Data Collection in Des Moines The goal of data collection is to record integral information on policing encounters and activities that enable the identification of trends, patterns, and outcomes leading to informed insights and action through policy and practice. The Des Moines Police Department currently collects data on: stops resulting in citations, arrest data, calls for service, use of force, offenders and victims of crimes. Data on Stops: The Des Moines Police Department does not currently collect data on stops that do not result in a citation, warning, or arrest. Data on Citations: Police officers issuing citations after a stop enter the citation data using the TraCS software that has been installed in their vehicles. A large part of the data is generated automatically from the cited individual’s driver’s license, but the driver’s license does not always include race and ethnicity data. Officers may manually enter that data based on observation, but the TraCS software does not require that the race and ethnicity data fields be collected. The Tyler New World System recently launched should alleviate the need for staff to manually enter data. Data on Arrests: When arrests are made in the field, an officer enters the incident into the Intergraph Field Reporting (IFR) Incident module, which is available in the police officer’s vehicle. Police Information Technicians use this information to generate an arrest record in the RMS. Data on Calls for Service: Calls for service to law enforcement agencies generally include calls to “911” for emergency assistance and calls to non-emergency numbers. Calls for service data are input into Hexagon CAD and imported to RMS I/LEADS. Calls for service data (CFS) input screens are set up for law enforcement, as well as for Fire/EMS calls. CFS data are collected by DMPD Public Safety Dispatchers by entering information into Hexagon CAD; they are then imported to Hexagon I/LEADS. Data on Use of Force: On January 1, 2019, the FBI began collecting use of force data from law enforcement agencies across the country that voluntarily participate. The data collection offers bigpicture insights, rather than information on specific incidents. The collection neither assesses nor reports whether officers followed their department’s policy or acted lawfully. The data includes any use of force that results in death, serious bodily injury, or discharge of a firearm by law enforcement. The Des Moines Police Department collects use of force data through web based IAPro/BlueTeam software programs, which enables input of complaints, use of force incidents, pursuits, and city-owned vehicle accidents. Reporting of Data: The Des Moines Police Department uses a Hexagon RMS custom-tailored data package for sending monthly crime and arrests data to the Iowa Department of Public Safety’s Uniform Crime Code Classification (UCR) program. At present, Des Moines is moving from UCR codes to National IncidentBased Reporting System (NIBRS) codes. Crime data are organized by incident, offense, victim, known offender, and arrestee. They are collected by the Des Moines Police Department RMS/I/LEADS Incident and Arrest modules by entering information into FBI UCR/NIBRS. Geographic Data: The Des Moines Police Department currently collects GIS coordinates, and zip code data for Calls for service incidents. The citation module in RMS is exclusively used by the Police Information Technicians to re-enter selected citation information from the PDF copy generated by the TraCS system, making it vulnerable to human error. When the Police Information Technicians enter the “Offense location,” the RMS system uses that information to automatically populate GeoX and GeoY coordinates. The Des Moines Police Department uses GIS data with its CrimeView system that links crime data with GIS information to map out where the crime took place. The Des Moines Police Department does not analyze the GIS data of Stops resulting in a citation, nor does it connect it to the rest of the Stop data collected. Not having such analysis makes it very challenging to produce any summary of analytic results by census track or zip code.

DesMoines, IA: City of DesMoines, 2022? 207p.

By Laura Pajon, Ben Brewster, Imogen Fell & Zoi Krokida

Social media platforms, while widely used by children and young people, are increasingly exploited for harmful activities that compromise their safety and well-being. Despite heightened attention to youth engagement on these platforms, there is limited research on how social media facilitates different types of exploitation linked to modern slavery. This report presents key findings from exploratory research aimed at better understanding the ways social media is used to exploit young people. It also evaluates the preparedness of relevant stakeholders to respond effectively to these challenges. The findings emphasise the urgent need for targeted measures to safeguard young users and strengthen response frameworks among stakeholders. KEY FINDINGS 3 Social media is leveraged at every stage of the exploitation process, serving various functions from initial contact to sustained control of victims. Offenders use social media both actively and passively—some directly target potential victims, while others use it to glamorise lavish lifestyles that may attract them. In cases of criminal exploitation involving minors, such as 'county lines' drug supply networks, social media is often used for coercive control, including continuous messaging with threatening images or videos. Perceptions of social media's role in exploitation varied across groups, with law enforcement agencies reporting higher rates of use than non-governmental organisations. Different platforms are used strategically across the exploitation process; for example, YouTube is often used for glamorisation, while Snapchat is used for realtime monitoring and control. Social media's low-cost, low-risk environment enables offenders to reach potential victims globally with minimal effort or detection. Anonymity and the difficulty of tracking further reduce the chances of identification and prosecution. Access to affordable devices and the internet expands social media use among young people, increasing their exposure to violence and exploitation. According to practitioners, many minors have a limited perception of online risks, heightening their vulnerability to exploitation.

Offenders use social media across all crime stages, from the identification and recruitment of victims to their exploitation and control. Different apps and social media tools are used at different stages and for different purposes.

The lack of engagement by social media companies with stakeholders presents a key challenge to effectively identifying and safeguarding at-risk children and young people.

Legal and regulatory frameworks governing online platforms’ responsibilities and responses to trafficking-related activities remain insufficient and fragmented.

University of Leeds, The Vulnerability & Policing Futures Research Centre , and Liverppol John Moores University, 2024. . 17p.

By OSAGIE K. OBASOGIE

Police use of force continues to be a significant problem in American law and society. Recent discussions have focused on doctrinal issues such as what type of force is considered “reasonable” under the Fourth Amendment and the propriety of qualified immunity as a defense that can shield law enforcement from civil litigation. However, there has been little commentary on how these and other legal questions might be informed by medicine — specifically, victim diagnoses that might effectively absolve officers from criminal prosecution or civil liability. One prominent example concerns excited delirium, which is thought to be a psychiatric issue characterized by the acute onset of extreme agitation that can become so severe that someone might die spontaneously, on their own, without anyone to blame except the person’s own mental condition. This diagnosis has been used by coroners, medical examiners, forensic pathologists, and law enforcement to suggest that some deaths in police custody occur not because the decedent was subject to unlawful force, but because the mysterious onset of a psychiatric illness led them to die suddenly. But there are significant problems with this claim. Notably, since its inception in the 1980s, researchers have found little evidence that this medical condition exists. This lack of proof leads to a critical question: How did law become so welcoming to excited delirium when medical and scientific communities continue to have serious reservations? This Article provides the first empirical assessment of how excited delirium has been treated as an evidentiary matter within federal courts. In doing so, it explores how federal courts deploy Federal Rule of Evidence 702 to understand the claims made by expert witnesses in cases regarding the admissibility of excited delirium as a medical diagnosis that might explain deaths in police custody. The findings show that excited delirium often enters evidentiary proceedings as a contested medical concept. Yet, through the machinations of the law of evidence, these claims exit courtroom proceedings as legally relevant facts. How this transmutation happens, and the evidentiary moves that make it possible, highlight the extent to which legal doctrine can settle an otherwise unsettled — if not wholly discredited — area of medicine to make deaths in police custody seem natural, blameless, and unproblematic. Understanding how the law of evidence contributes to concealing what might otherwise be seen as unreasonable uses of force is critical for ongoing discussions concerning police reform.

Harvard Law Review, VOLUME 138, ISSUE 6, APRIL 2025, 26p.

By Christopher Slobogin

In Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle v. Baltimore Police Department, the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals held that Aerial Investigation Research (AIR), Baltimore's aerial surveillance program, violated the Fourth Amendment because it was not authorized by a warrant. AIR was constitutionally problematic, but not for the reason given by the Fourth Circuit. AIR, like many other technologically-enhanced policing programs that rely on closed-circuit television (CCTV), automated license plate readers and the like, involves the collection and retention of information about huge numbers ofpeople. Because individualized suspicion does not exist with respect to any of these people's information, an individual-specific warrant requirement can never be met by such a program. When police engage in suspicionless searches and seizures of the type exemplified by AIR, a different regulatory approach is needed, one that provides the protection against arbitrariness that the warrant process affords but does not require findings that specific people have violated the law. This Article argues that this regulatory alternative can be derived from administrative law principles. The logic of administrative law dictates that legislatures and agency rulemaking must be involved any time a policing agency wants to establish a program that will intentionally affect sizeable numbers of concededly innocent people. If administrative law principles applied, programs like AIR would not be permitted unless a legislature has delegated appropriate authority to the relevant police agency, implemented regulations have survived notice-and-comment and hard look judicial review, and the agency carried out the program in an even-handed fashion that minimizes discretion. At the same time, contrary to the holding in Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle, if these requirements are met, the Fourth Amendment at least the part of it requiring warrants and probable cause-would be irrelevant.

75 Administrative Law Review. 565 (2023), 24p.

By Lily Robin, Bryce Peterson and Daniel Lawrence

In 2016, the Urban Institute received funding from the National Institute of Justice to help the Milwaukee Police Department (MPD) optimize its surveillance system. Improvements included doubling the number of MPD public surveillance cameras across Milwaukee, integrating video analytic technologies, and other software and hardware upgrades. The department also strategically installed two types of cameras—pan-tiltzoom (PTZ) and panoramic—at intersections across the city. This brief explains how PTZ and panoramic cameras work and how they differentially impact crime and support criminal investigations.

Washington, DC: The Urban Institute, 2020. 12p.

By  Livia Mucciolo, Fay Walker, and Aravind Boddupalli 

State and local officials are starting to consider the disproportionate effects of criminal legal fines and fees on the lives of families with low incomes—especially Black, Latine, and Native American families. Although policymakers have focused mostly on court and prison fees, most individuals may interact with the criminal legal system via parking tickets, which if left unpaid can turn into lifelong financial burdens. Parking tickets serve as a way to streamline city services like plowing, accessibility to fire hydrants, and street cleaning, but research and news investigations show they can also especially harm people of color and those with low incomes (Brazil 2018). 1 Parking tickets (also called “tickets”) refer to citations issued by police officers or other government traffic officials to inactive motor vehicles for violations of local laws. In this research brief, we analyze three aspects of parking tickets: locations in cities where tickets are issued, the number and dollar amount of tickets assessed, and the types of violations for which tickets are assessed. We look at tickets between January 2018 to December 2019, and we focus on three large cities: Austin, Texas; Minneapolis, Minnesota; and Portland, Oregon. We selected these cities because of their accessible data and because they were not among the prominent places studied in fines and fees literature so far. Our analysis shows a majority of parking tickets were issued in downtown areas, which typically have a higher density of office buildings, shops, and restaurants. This likely corresponds to the higher concentration of parking meters installed and monitored in commercial corridors. Overall, the largest contributors to parking tickets by type included expired or missing meter receipts and failure to display registration and parking in no-parking and tow-away zones. Because of data limitations, we could not determine the demographic composition of those ticketed. 

Washington, DC: The Urban Institute, 2023. 26p.

By Aravind Boddupalli and Livia Mucciolo

State and local governments collected $16 billion in fiscal year 2019 from financial penalties imposed on people who had contact with the justice system, according to US Census Bureau data. These penalties included speeding tickets (including those from automated traffic cameras), parking tickets, court-imposed administrative fees, and forfeitures or seizures of property believed by law enforcement officials to be connected to crimes.1 In total, fines, fees, and forfeitures account for less than 1 percent of total state and local general revenue, but the way they are enforced can create unjust burdens. These financial penalties often disproportionately fall on low-income people of color, particularly Black people (O’Neill, Kennedy, and Harris 2021; Sances and You 2017). In addition, consequences for those unable to pay can be severe (Menendez et al. 2019). Reliance on fines, fees, and forfeitures as a revenue source can also engender conflicts of interest for government officials. For example, states and localities have ramped up speeding ticket enforcement and arrests for various violations in response to budgetary shortfalls and political pressures (Makowsky, Stratmann, and Tabarrok 2019). In this report, we first examine how much states and localities report collecting from fines, fees, and forfeitures, highlighting the states and localities most reliant on them as a revenue source. While the average state and local share of revenue from fines, fees, and forfeitures is relatively small, these shares are larger for some local governments, especially small cities. We then explore how revenue from some fines and fees (we exclude forfeitures from this analysis) are allocated in each of the 50 states, the District of Columbia, and a handful of cities. We specifically focus on speeding tickets as an illustrative example. Overall, we find that in at least 43 states, some portion of speeding ticket revenue is allocated toward a court or law enforcement fund. This finding reveals the potential for conflicts of interest and misaligned fiscal incentives. That is, police officers and judges might levy fines and fees with the intent of funding their respective agencies, as was demonstrated by the 2015 US Department of Justice investigation into Ferguson, Missouri’s police department (US Department of Justice 2015). We additionally find that many states use fines and fees to fund general government services unrelated to cost recovery for the justice system, such as special funds for health care or highway initiatives.

Washington, DC: The Urban Institute, 2022. 39p.

By Ashlin Oglesby-Neal, KiDeuk Kim, Sam Tecotzky, Josh Fording

Since 2014, Oakland residents have supported violence reduction strategies through the Public Safety and Services Violence Prevention Act, commonly referred to as Measure Z. Measure Z funds strategies implemented by the Oakland Police Department (OPD) and the Oakland Department of Violence Prevention. The Urban Institute and the Urban Strategies Council were contracted by the City of Oakland to evaluate these strategies. This report focuses on the strategies implemented by the OPD under Measure Z since July 2022. Specifically, this report provides a process evaluation of Measure Z strategies implemented by the OPD, incorporating community survey results to capture residents' experiences and safety concerns. To conduct this evaluation, we analyzed OPD administrative data, interviewed OPD staff, participated in dealongs with officers, reviewed program documents, observed neighborhood council meetings, and surveyed Oakland residents regarding their experiences with crime and their perceptions of the OPD. Key Findings Our key findings are as follows:  The rate of violent crime in Oakland was on a downward trend from 1,977 violent crimes per 100,000 residents in 2013 to 1,299 in 2017, then plateaued from 2018 to 2020. The violent crime rate then increased by 35 percent from 2020 to 2023. » Relatedly, the number of shootings and homicides increased in 2020–2021 compared with 2017–2019. The number of shootings and homicides decreased in 2022–2023, but remained above 2017–2019 levels.  The City of Oakland receives hundreds of thousands of 911 calls for police service a year, with a large increase having occurred in calls involving shootings in 2020. The number of shooting calls decreased from 2022 to 2024, but remained higher than in 2017 to 2019. » From 2018 to 2024, the average response time to 911 calls for potential violent crimes became slower.  The OPD is implementing all three of the strategies funded under Measure Z: (1) geographic policing through crime reduction teams, (2) community policing through community resource officers (CROs), and (3) addressing domestic violence and child abuse through the Special Victims Section. » All three strategies face staffing shortages, with fewer officers assigned to the positions than were authorized or envisioned at the outset of Measure Z. » Coinciding with the reduced staffing, CROs implemented markedly fewer community policing projects from 2022 to 2024 than from 2011 to 2019. Alongside a rise in violent crime, the Special Victims Section (SVS), operating with approximately two-thirds of its positions filled, had several hundred cases a year assigned to each investigator in 2022 to 2024.  Oakland residents who participated in a community survey administered by the project team in the summer of 2023 reported mixed views of the social cohesion in their neighborhoods, but overall are happy with living in Oakland. » Most do not feel safe after dark, and more than 7 in 10 respondents are concerned about becoming victims of many types of crime, including robbery, burglary, and shootings. » Roughly 4 in 10 respondents have negative views of the OPD’s ability to make fair decisions and keep their neighborhoods safe, while 2 in 10 have positive views of the OPD’s ability to do so. The remaining 3 in 10 have neutral views. » For respondents who had called 911 in the past year, half said that the dispatcher treated them respectfully and half said the call was not answered in a timely manner.

Washington, DC: The Urban Institute, 2025. 60p.

By Ashlin Oglesby-Neal Alena Stern Kathryn L. S. Pettit

Public scrutiny of police in the US—especially regarding racial disparities—has increased in recent years, with many communities experiencing strained relations with their local police. Police departments have also increased transparency by making some data about their activity (primarily arrests and reported crimes) public. However, access to high-quality, disaggregated police data is insufficient—these data must also be analyzed to inform and empower people in communities most affected by crime and the justice system as well as to benefit law enforcement agencies and policymakers. When meaningfully analyzed and shared, these data can support conversations between communities and police and catalyze local reforms. Local organizations in the National Neighborhood Indicators Partnership (NNIP)—a learning network coordinated by the Urban Institute that connects independent partner organizations in 30 cities—regularly provide data and analysis to support discussions about key issues in their communities. The NNIP’s mission is to ensure all communities can access data and have the skills to use information to advance equity and well-being across neighborhoods. In 2018, NNIP and Microsoft partnered to use the network to spur data-driven and community-led criminal justice reforms with the goal of building police-community trust and improving public safety.1 As one of the project’s activities, we selected one city—Los Angeles—to explore how we could create a comprehensive measure of community-police engagement using publicly available police data. Our motivating research questions are the following: ◼ Are there different patterns of community-initiated and police-initiated engagement? ◼ How many distinct patterns are there, and what makes them distinct? ◼ How do the patterns of community-police engagement vary across neighborhoods? In collaboration with the Microsoft Criminal Justice Reform team, the Microsoft Data Science team, and the University of Southern California’s Sol Price Center for Social Innovation (Los Angeles’s local NNIP partner), we synthesized data sources (including information on calls for service, stops, arrests, and crime) to develop a typology that elucidates the relationship between resident-initiated and policeinitiated activity, as well as how that relationship varies across Los Angeles neighborhoods. Our typology of community-police interactions reveals patterns in how calls to police and police activity (which varies by the severity of crime and levels of economic hardship) differ across neighborhoods. We also discuss how this neighborhood-policing typology can inform conversations about police reform and support local movements for a more equitable criminal justice system. We hope this report informs conversations in Los Angeles and demonstrates how open data can be a powerful tool for local data organizations and criminal justice advocates nationwide

Washington, DC: The Urban Institute, 2020. 34p.

By Maria R. Khan ,Farzana Kapadia,Amanda Geller,Medha Mazumdar,Joy D. Scheidell,Kristen D. Krause,Richard J. Martino,Charles M. Cleland,Typhanye V. Dyer,Danielle C. Ompad,Perry N. Halkitis

Although racial/ethnic disparities in police contact are well documented, less is known about other dimensions of inequity in policing. Sexual minority groups may face disproportionate police contact. We used data from the P18 Cohort Study (Version 2), a study conducted to measure determinants of inequity in STI/HIV risk among young sexual minority men (YSMM) in New York City, to measure across-time trends, racial/ethnic disparities, and correlates of self-reported stop-and-frisk experience over the cohort follow-up (2014–2019). Over the study period, 43% reported stop-and-frisk with higher levels reported among Black (47%) and Hispanic/Latinx (45%) than White (38%) participants. Stop-and-frisk levels declined over follow-up for each racial/ethnic group. The per capita rates among P18 participants calculated based on self-reported stop-and-frisk were much higher than rates calculated based on New York City Police Department official counts. We stratified respondents’ ZIP codes of residence into tertiles of per capita stop rates and observed pronounced disparities in Black versus White stop-and-frisk rates, particularly in neighborhoods with low or moderate levels of stop-and-frisk activity. YSMM facing the greatest economic vulnerability and mental disorder symptoms were most likely to report stop-and-frisk. Among White respondents levels of past year stop-and-frisk were markedly higher among those who reported past 30 day marijuana use (41%) versus those reporting no use (17%) while among Black and Hispanic/Latinx respondents stop-and-frisk levels were comparable among those reporting marijuana use (38%) versus those reporting no use (31%). These findings suggest inequity in policing is observed not only among racial/ethnic but also sexual minority groups and that racial/ethnic YSMM, who are at the intersection of multiple minority statuses, face disproportionate risk. Because the most socially vulnerable experience disproportionate stop-and-frisk risk, we need to reach YSMM with community resources to promote health and wellbeing as an alternative to targeting this group with stressful and stigmatizing police exposure.

PLOS ONE 16(8): e0256201. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0256201

PLoS ONE 16(8): e0256201.2021, 17p.

By EUROPOL and the Basil Institute of Governance

These recommendations follow the 7th Global Conference on Criminal Finances and Cryptocurrencies on 26–27 October 2023. The conference was co-organised by Europol and the Basel Institute on Governance and took place in hybrid format at Europol’s headquarters in The Hague, Netherlands. The Recommendations highlight broad approaches and best practices to prevent and combat the use of crypto assets and services to make, hide and launder illicit money. The five recommendations highlight the need for accelerated action in order to combat the use of crypto assets, as well the allocation of more resources, better training and better collaboration.

They are to:

Accelerate innovation for investigative and monitoring tools

Boost enforcement capacity and training

Reorganise to foster collaboration and prioritisation

Engage proactively in multi-sector collaborations

Consider the whole chain, from prevention to facilitators

Basel, SWIT: Basel Institute of Governance, 2024. 7p.

By Chauncee Smith, Senior Manager, Reimagine Justice & Safety, Catalyst California Elycia Mulholland Graves, et al.

Fundamentally transforming California’s approach to safety is long overdue. Communities disproportionately impacted by racist law enforcement practices—including violence, economic extraction, and dehumanization—have demanded that policymakers shift toward safety approaches that prioritize care and equity without harm reproduction. This report aims to contribute to those ends. Specifically, both lived experience and data continuously show that people of color are disproportionately profiled by law enforcement. In addition to confirming that problem, this report explains how patrol activities undermine safety and waste tremendous public dollars. It does so by analyzing Racial & Identity Profiling Act (RIPA) stop data from a sample of four sheriff’s departments (Los Angeles, Riverside, Sacramento, and San Diego) that collectively account for nearly 20% of the state’s sworn law enforcement personnel,1 have jurisdiction over counties that represent 44% of California’s population, and patrol areas covering approximately 17% of the state population.2 RIPA data analysis is combined with county budget estimates to show the tremendous cost of unproductive patrol activities. Key Findings ɟ Sheriff’s departments dedicate significant patrol time (and, in turn, public resources) to racially biased pretextual stops that undermine community safety. ɟ The impact of sheriff’s departments’ patrol activities is extremely detrimental to people of color because they are far more likely to experience numerous harms as a result of pretextual stops. ɟ Such unproductive and harmful law enforcement activities annually cost individual counties hundreds of millions to over one-billion dollars. Recommendations ɟ Justice Reinvestment: Research and demands from community partners show that redirecting government spending from the criminal legal system (i.e., law enforcement, district attorneys, and prisons) to investments that help people fulfill basic needs improves safety, and that doubling down on criminal legal system spending entrenches inequities. ɟ Care-Centered Community Safety: The general thrust of the community safety landscape increasingly trends toward community-connected approaches of harm prevention, such as increasing the capacity of organizations that provide violence intervention services, behavioral health support, homeless outreach, youth development, jobs, and housing. ɟ Limit Enforcement of Minor Traffic Violations Used for Racially Biased Pretextual Stops: Throughout California and around the U.S., there has been growing movement toward innovative approaches to roadway safety that do not rely on armed law enforcement. Policymakers should follow this trend by shifting away from armed law enforcement for minor traffic violations, investing in preventive roadway design upgrades that alleviate the need for enforcement, improving public transportation, and decriminalizing numerous low-level traffic violations that have little to no tangible connection to true safety.

Los Angeles:: Catalyst California; ACLU SoCal , 2023. 40p.

By Antonio Cediel

Community violence intervention (CVI) is a term recently coined by the federal government in order to encapsulate a set of strategies that have been used for decades to address gun violence in major cities across the country. While various versions of CVI have been implemented successfully for years, lack of awareness and funding for this work have kept it at a relatively small scale. The Biden administration’s recent promotion of CVI—egged on by years by grassroots advocacy—has accelerated public awareness and opened up new opportunities for scaling the work. However, how and if CVI can be sustained or dramatically expanded is far from certain.

New York: Square One Project at the Columbia University Justice Lab. 2024. 33p.

By Jim Mignano, Daniel Egel, Phoebe Rose Levine, Daniel Cunningham, Brian A. Jackson, John S. Hollywood, Lucy L. Thomson, Dulani Woods

The Federal Reserve’s exploration of a U.S. Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC) raises questions about its impact on U.S. law enforcement’s ability to detect and investigate crime. This report, informed by expert interviews and a scenario-based workshop, identifies key CBDC design choices affecting law enforcement capabilities. It underscores the need to evolve investigative techniques to meet relevant challenges if a U.S. CBDC is launched.

Santa Monica, CA" RAND, 2025. 51p.

By Deepak Premkumar, Magnus Lofstrom, Joseph Hayes, Brandon Martin, Sean Cremin

Racial disparities within the criminal justice system continue to be a pressing issue in the U.S. In this paper, we analyze data for almost four million stops by California’s fifteen largest law enforcement agencies in 2019, examining the extent to which people of color experience searches, enforcement, intrusiveness, and use of force differently from white people. Black Californians are more likely to be searched than white Californians, but searches of Black civilians reveal less contraband and evidence. Black people are overrepresented in stops not leading to enforcement as well as in stops leading to an arrest. While differences in location and context for the stop significantly contribute to racial disparities, notable inequities remain after accounting for such factors. These disparities are concentrated in traffic stops. A notable proportion of which lead to no enforcement or discovery—suggesting that gains in efficiency and equity are possible. Through a “veil of darkness” analysis, we find evidence that racial bias may be a contributing factor to disparities in traffic stops for Black and Latino drivers. These findings suggest that traffic stops for non-moving violations deserve consideration for alternative enforcement strategies.

IZA DP No. 17729

Bonn: IZA – Institute of Labor Economics , 2025. 137p.

Edited by Vasilis Galis , Helene O.I. Gundhus , and Antonis Vradis

This is an open access title available under the terms of a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 License. It is free to read, download and share on Elgaronline.com. Taking a critical approach, this book advances understanding of the social, legal and ethical aspects of digitalisation in law enforcement and the reliance on data-driven tools to predict and prevent crime. It shows how the proliferation of data analytics challenges citizens’ rights, at a time when what counts as ‘safety’ or ‘policing’ is being fundamentally transformed.

Cheltenham, UK: Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2025. 200p.

By Mélanie Seabrook, Vardan Gupta, Alexander Luscombe, and Andrew Pinto

KEY TAKEAWAYS

Municipal police in Ontario are overburdened – they are called upon to respond to issues beyond their scope and training. Investing in a range of municipal services – including housing, public health, long-term care, social assistance, paramedics, and children’s services – would promote community health and wellbeing and reduce demand for police through preventing crime and other crises from occurring, freeing police capacity for core functions. Ontario municipal funding for services promoting health and wellbeing hasn’t kept up with police funding over the past 12 years. Despite public support, municipalities face challenges in de-prioritizing police budgets to reinvest in other services, mainly due to the influential role of police boards in budget-setting. Community Safety and Wellbeing Plans present an opportunity to better engage local communities in municipal priority setting and could support the reprioritization of resources in future budget-setting.

Toronto: University of Toronto, School of Cities, 2025. 21p.

By Rebecca Gambler

Customs and Border Protection (CBP) has seen a significant increase in the number of individuals they apprehend between U.S. ports of entry along the southwest border. This has resulted in overcrowding and difficult humanitarian conditions in its facilities.

CBP monitors the care of individuals in its custody in various ways. For example, staff are required to conduct and document welfare checks every 15 minutes for individuals who are sick or injured. However, Border Patrol (a part of CBP) does not have a mechanism to verify that staff have done so across field locations.

We recommended that Border Patrol implement such a mechanism.

Washington, DC: U.S. Government Accountability Office. 2022. 50p.

By Bob Libal with contributions from Setareh Ghandehari and Silky Shah

  Every day, thousands of people are cruelly deprived of their liberty in a vast system of mass immigration detention in the United States. For years, detained people and advocates have organized to close troubled immigration detention centers and exposed the horrors of a detention system rife with extreme negligence, abuse, and even death. Numerous studies document that detention is also wholly unnecessary.1 Despite overwhelming evidence that immigrants successfully navigate their immigration cases in community, the immigration detention system — now with over 230 facilities in the United States — has seen exponential growth across the last three presidential administrations. In just the last four years, the number of people detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) grew dramatically to an average daily population of more than 50,000 people in Fiscal Year (FY) 2019, by far the most in the agency’s history. This unprecendented expansion of detention was propelled not by changing migration trends, but by a resurgence of nativist and xenophobic rhetoric translated into harsher policies towards both arriving immigrants and long-term non-citizen residents. Detention expansion continued under the Trump administration despite draconian enforcement policies such as the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP), the expansion of the border wall, and Title 42, meant to keep people from    arriving at the border or seeking asylum once they did. Due to a variety of factors, including detention numbers trending down, an ongoing global pandemic, and a shifting political landscape, the Biden administration has an opportunity to begin the process of phasing out immigration detention entirely. This report addresses one stated barrier to detention center  closures — the economic impacts of detention centers on host communities

Washington, DC: Detention Watch Network 2021. 29p.