By Robert Louis Stevenson. Edited by Sidney Colvin and Colin Heston

“The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, Parts VII–X”, collected in Volume XXIV of the Swanston Edition of Stevenson’s works, continues the extensive and illuminating correspondence begun in Volume XXIII. Edited with scholarly care and personal insight by Sidney Colvin—Stevenson’s close friend, literary executor, and biographer—this volume brings readers deeper into the final and most prolific years of Stevenson’s life, offering a vivid and intimate portrait of the author as both a public figure and a private man.

These later letters, written primarily during Stevenson’s residence in the South Pacific, particularly in Samoa, reflect a period of creative intensity, political engagement, and personal reflection. They reveal Stevenson not only as a master of prose but also as a keen observer of colonial politics, a devoted family man, and a figure of growing international literary stature. His correspondence from this time is rich with commentary on his ongoing literary projects—including The Ebb-Tide, St. Ives, and Weir of Hermiston—as well as his thoughts on morality, justice, and the responsibilities of the writer.

The letters are addressed to a wide range of recipients: family members, literary peers, publishers, and political figures. They are filled with Stevenson’s characteristic wit, warmth, and eloquence, but also with moments of vulnerability and philosophical depth. His reflections on illness, exile, and mortality are especially poignant, as he continued to write and correspond despite the increasing toll of his chronic health conditions.

Sidney Colvin’s editorial work is essential to the value of this collection. His introductions to each section, along with detailed footnotes and contextual commentary, provide readers with the necessary background to fully appreciate the historical and personal significance of the letters. Colvin’s close relationship with Stevenson lends the edition a unique authority and emotional resonance, as he was not only a literary scholar but also a trusted confidant of the author.

“The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, Parts VII–X” is more than a supplement to his published fiction—it is a living document of a writer’s mind and spirit, capturing the voice of Stevenson in all its complexity: humorous, passionate, reflective, and profoundly human.

The Swanston Edition presents these letters with scholarly rigor and literary sensitivity, making them an indispensable resource for students, researchers, and admirers of Stevenson’s work. Together with Volume XXIII, this volume completes one of the most comprehensive and engaging collections of literary correspondence from the Victorian era.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. p.279p.

By Brantz Mayer, Introduction by Colin Heston

Full Title: Captain Canot; or, Twenty Years of an African Slaver: Being an Account of His Career and Adventures on the Coast, in the Interior, on Shipboard, and in the West Indies, Written Out and Edited from the Captain’s Journals, Memoranda and Conversations.

This riveting account of the 19th century slave trade delves into the life and adventures of Theodore Canot, a notorious figure in the transatlantic slave trade. Through Mayer's meticulous writing, based on Canot's own journals and conversations, readers are taken on a journey across the African coast, the interior, and the treacherous seas. Experience the raw and unfiltered reality of the 19th-century slave trade, as Canot navigates the complexities of his morally ambiguous career. This book offers a unique perspective on historical events, providing insights into the human condition and the dark chapters of our past. It's a must-read for history enthusiasts and anyone interested in understanding the depths of human resilience and the complexities of ethical dilemmas. Embark on this unforgettable voyage with Captain Canot and witness history through the eyes of a man who lived it. It’s a story of adventure, survival, and reflection.

Key Events and Themes:

• Military Engagements: The text describes a planned military expedition involving American settlers, highlighting the tense and violent interactions between colonists and African natives .

• Escapes and Betrayals: Canot is betrayed by his crew and attempts to escape, illustrating the treacherous nature of his ventures .

• Storm Survival: A perilous sea journey showcases Canot’s leadership and navigation skills during a storm, emphasizing his resilience and quick thinking .

• Cultural Interactions: Canot’s dealings with African chiefs and societies reveal the intricacies of trade and cultural exchanges, often marked by exploitation and manipulation [52-55].

• Revolts and Discipline: A slave revolt aboard Canot’s ship underscores the constant threat of rebellion and the harsh measures taken to maintain control.

• Social Dynamics: The narrative also explores the social dynamics within Canot’s trading community, including the influence of alcohol and the tension between different ethnic groups.

First Publication: 1854. The book was first published in the United States by D. Appleton & Company in New York. This edition Read-Me.Org Inc. 2025. 301p.

By John BOURKE (Author), Graeme Newman (Editor)

"On the Border with Crook" by John G. Bourke is a historical account that provides a detailed narrative of the American Indian Wars, focusing on the campaigns led by General George Crook. Bourke, who served under Crook for fifteen years, offers a firsthand perspective on the military strategies and daily life of soldiers on the American frontier.

General George Crook was a notable United States Army officer who played significant roles in both the American Civil War and the Indian Wars. Born on September 8, 1828, in Ohio, Crook graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1852.

During the Civil War, Crook served with distinction in various battles, including the Second Battle of Bull Run, the Battle of Antietam, and the Battle of Chickamauga. After the war, he was assigned to the western frontier, where he became known for his campaigns against Native American tribes. His efforts in the Apache Wars and the Great Sioux War were particularly notable.

This new edition of the book originally published in 1891 has been thoroughly edited for its many grammatical and spelling errors, sometimes incomprehensible quaint usage of native American language, splatters of French and other European languages, and many, sometimes confusing attempts by Bourke, the original author, to express slang in the English language. The internal design and style of the book have also been modernized to allow for an easier and more comfortable read.

New York. Read-Me.Org Inc. 2025. 517p.

By Thomas Paine

Thomas Paine's Political Writings Volumes 1 and 2 are a comprehensive collection of his most influential works, reflecting his pivotal role in the American and French Revolutions. These volumes include seminal texts such as Common Sense, The Rights of Man, and The Age of Reason, among others.

Volume 1 primarily covers Paine's early writings, including his famous pamphlet Common Sense, which powerfully argued for American independence from Britain. This volume also includes his series of essays titled The American Crisis, written during the Revolutionary War to inspire the American troops.

Volume 2 continues with Paine's later works, focusing on his contributions to political philosophy and his advocacy for social reforms. This volume includes The Rights of Man, in which Paine defends the French Revolution and argues for natural rights and democratic government. It also features The Age of Reason, in which Paine critiques organized religion and promotes deism.

Together, these volumes offer a thorough insight into Paine's revolutionary ideas and his enduring impact on political thought.

Thomas Paine's writings are rich with several recurring themes that reflect his revolutionary spirit and commitment to social justice. Here are some of the main themes:

1. Liberty and Independence: Paine passionately advocated for the independence of the American colonies from British rule. In "Common Sense," he argued that it was both a natural right and a practical necessity for the colonies to break free from British tyranny.

2. Rights of Man: Paine believed in the inherent rights of individuals. In "The Rights of Man," he defended the French Revolution and argued that all men are born with natural rights that should be protected by governments.

3. Democracy and Republicanism: Paine was a strong proponent of democratic principles and republican forms of government. He believed that governments should be based on the consent of the governed and that hereditary monarchy was an unjust and outdated system.

4. Social Justice and Equality: Paine's writings often touched on issues of social justice and economic equality. He advocated for progressive taxation, social welfare programs, and the abolition of slavery.

5. Reason and Secularism: In "The Age of Reason," Paine critiqued organized religion and promoted deism, emphasizing the importance of reason and scientific inquiry over religious dogma.

6. Revolution and Change: Paine saw revolution as a necessary means to achieve political and social change. He believed that oppressive systems should be overthrown to establish more just and equitable societies.

These themes collectively highlight Paine's vision for a world where individuals are free, equal, and governed by rational and just principles.

By International Organization for Migration (IOM)

This publication entitled "Detention and Migration in West and Central Africa: A Comparative Study" provides a comprehensive analysis of the detention situation in the context of migration across the West and Central African region. Through the Network of Legal Experts on Migration for West and Central Africa (Nolem), an in-depth research is conducted analyzing how 13 countries in the region regulate and enforce detention of migrants in both law and practice. The study delves into whether current laws and practices of migrant detention are consistent with international and regional human rights law and discusses the gaps or violations and identifies good practices. The study also examines the alternatives to detention that are proposed by states. Finally, recommendations are made to states, regional bodies and other stakeholders. The study gives specific attention to providing a gender responsive and child sensitive approach. The study contains country-specific papers drafted by the legal experts shaping the Nolem Network, as well as articles providing and international and regional overview and a comparative analysis. The Nolem Network aims to reshape the migration policy and law landscape in West and Central Africa by strengthening and promoting evidence-based, rights-based and gender-responsive national and regional migration laws and policies throughout the region for lasting positive change.

Geneva, SWIT: International Organization for Migration, 2024. 124p.

By Kanishka Bhowmick Indraneel Dasgupta Sarmistha Pal 

We examine how within-group inequality, by influencing the group bias of state institutions, affects the cost-benefit calculus of individuals engaging in identity-assertive behaviour, that results in police complaints regarding hate crimes. We develop a two-stage contest model of between-group conflict, where the relative influence of a group over institutions, determined by an initial contest, affects subsequent hierarchy-establishing interaction between individuals belonging to opposing groups. Applying this model to caste conflict in India, we find that greater inequality among non-Scheduled Caste (non-SC) Hindus reduces the registered rate of crimes against SCs by non-SC Hindus, as well as the conviction rate for these crimes. Greater inequality among SCs increases both rates. Using state-level annual crime and household consumption data over 2005-2021, we find empirical support for these hypotheses. Between-group inequality does not appear to matter for either the rate of crimes against SCs or the conviction rate. Our analysis suggests that greater inequality within marginalized groups might increase reporting and punishment of aggression against them, thereby serving a protective function.

Bonn:  IZA – Institute of Labor Economics, 2024. 43p.

By Hope Border Institute

Remain in Mexico represents a new level of assault on migrants, our binational communities and our country’s commitment to asylum. But it is also a piece with the long legacy of racism at the border and a national history of immigrant scapegoating. This situation report documents the real impacts of Remain in Mexico on migrants in Ciudad Juárez, just across the border from El Paso, TX.

El Paso: Hope Border Institute, 2020. 18p.

By Patrick Giuliani, with support from Omar Ríos

As the first flight returning Venelezuan asylum seekers has left Mexico countless others remain at the US border waiting for their opportunity to seek protection.

El Paso: Hope Border Institute , 2022. 14p.

By Mark Lusk

Hope Border Institute is proud to present “Witness to Forced Migration: The Paradox of Resilience,” a new report by Dr. Mark Lusk, professor emeritus of social work at the University of Texas at El Paso (UTEP), and Georgina Sanchez Garcia, psychologist and Ph.D. candidate at UTEP.

Based on years of research into the lived experiences of migrants and refugees, the piece highlights the ways that people dealing with trauma and a broken immigration system build resilience and strength and find meaning in the midst of suffering. It also underscores the structural causes behind forced migration, including poverty and state failure to shield people from violence.

El Paso: Hope Border Institute, 2021. 36p.

By Jesus de la Torre, Blanca Navarrete and Diana Solis

On June 4, 2024, President Biden announced the Proclamation on Securing the Border. Together with the accompanying Interim Final Rule (IFR), the administration imposed a suspension of normal asylum processing at the U.S.-Mexico border when the sevenday average of encounters with migrants by Customs and Border Protection (CBP) reached 2,500. This executive action significantly limits the chances of bona fide asylum seekers to present their protection claims and increases the chances of forced removal. These changes add to an already extensive list of actions which the administration has taken to significantly weaken the framework of asylum protection at the border, especially for those unable to access the 1,450 CBP One app appointments allotted daily In the State of Texas, these actions also come against the backdrop of Governor Greg Abbott’s parallel immigration enforcement operation, known as Operation Lone Star (OLS), which first began in March 2021. Since its implementation, OLS has led to harrowing levels of cruelty at the Texas-Mexico border. An obscene amount of dangerous concertina wire fortifies the border, National Guard soldiers fire projectiles at families stranded at the border wall, and the Texas Department of Public Safety regularly engages in deadly high-speed chases in border communities. In the El Paso-Ciudad Juárez region, many migrants who arrive at the Mexico-Texas border find themselves in a state of dangerous limbo, able to access safety neither in the United States nor in Mexico. In recent years, Mexico has also taken increasingly drastic action to militarize its border cities and migration routes, detaining up to thousands of migrating persons per day and reaching an unseen level of 1.4 million enforcement encounters in the first five months of 2024. At the U.S. request, Mexico also accepts nationals from third countries who have been deported from the U.S. Abuse of persons in immigrant detention in Mexico is widespread. In order to avoid detention, families seeking safety must maneuver through a terrain of omnipresent violence from statesanctioned unscrupulous criminal groups, who extort, kidnap and kill them. This report sheds light on the reality of people on the move in the El Paso-Ciudad Juárez region under the layered pressures of the recent Interim Final Rule; the Biden administration’s existing Circumvention of Lawful Pathways Rule (known as the ‘Asylum Ban’ and implemented in May 2023); Texas’ Operation Lone Star; and Mexico’s complex of immigration enforcement operations and systematic criminal exploitation of migrants. This report relies on in-person observations made during the course of HOPE’s medical interventions with migrants at the border wall between May and June 2024. It also draws from an analysis of joint U.S.- Mexican migration policies and monitoring exercises in temporary and permanent shelters and critical transportation infrastructures in Ciudad Juárez between 2023 and 2024. It is complemented by Jesuit Refugee Service Mexico data obtained during interviews with 841 family units and 2,278 individuals between June 2020 and May 2024. Although interrelated, this report presents the impacts of a multilayered border in El Paso-Ciudad Juárez in three sections: the impacts of Mexican enforcement actions before arriving to and while in Ciudad Juárez; the impacts of Texas’ Operation Lone Star at the border wall; and the impacts of the U.S. asylum bans. It also unmasks how criminal organizations prey on those who migrate while they wait in Ciudad Juárez. We conclude with critical immigration policy recommendations for the future U.S. and Mexican administrations.

El Paso: Hope Border Institute and Derechos Humanos Integrales en Acción. 2024. 27p.

Edited by Anamarija Batista, Viola Franziska Müller and Corinna Peres

Coercion and Wage Labour presents novel histories of people who experienced physical, social, political or cultural compulsion in the course of paid work. Broad in scope, the chapters examine diverse areas of work including textile production, war industries, civil service and domestic labour, in contexts from the Middle Ages to the present day. They demonstrate that wages have consistently shaped working people’s experiences, and failed to protect workers from coercion. Instead, wages emerge as versatile tools to bind, control, and exploit workers. Remuneration mirrors the distribution of power in labour relations, often separating employers physically and emotionally from their employees, and disguising coercion. The book makes historical narratives accessible for interdisciplinary audiences. Most chapters are preceded by illustrations by artists invited to visually conceptualise the book’s key messages and to emphasise the presence of the body and landscape in the realm of work. In turn, the chapter texts reflect back on the artworks, creating an intense intermedial dialogue that offers mutually relational ‘translations’ and narrations of labour coercion. Other contributions written by art scholars discuss how coercion in remunerated labour is constructed and reflected in artistic practice. The collection serves as an innovative and creative tool for teaching, and raises awareness that narrating history is always contingent on the medium chosen and its inherent constraints and possibilities. Praise for Coercion and Wage Labour This is a pioneering volume. It makes a well-founded break with the widespread misconception that wage labour is by definition free from coercion. The 14 historical case studies cover a vast geographical area and review a long time period. Together, they lead to the conclusion that wage labourers too were subject to many forms of coercion and that usually their “freedom” was and is only relative. But something else makes this book special: throughout the text there are artistic illustrations that enter into a dialogue with the individual chapters and create an inspiring interaction that complements the volume’s interdisciplinary nature.' Marcel van der Linden, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam

London: UCL Press, 2024. 405p.

By Letizia Palumbo

This open access book intends to contribute to the debate on migrant labour exploitation by exploring the extent to which the EU and the European countries provide a standard for protecting migrant workers. It moves from a socio-legal and theoretical perspective and builds on critical studies on vulnerability, exploitation, trafficking and migrant labour regimes – along with relevant feminist theories, including theories on social reproduction – while also drawing on extensive fieldwork. By mobilising the concept of ‘situational vulnerabilities’, the book critically investigates the assemblage and interaction of factors creating and amplifying migrant workers’ vulnerabilities to exploitation in the key sectors of agriculture and domestic work. The aim is to highlight how situations of vulnerability to exploitation are generated and exacerbated by relevant legal and policy frameworks, underlining and questioning the tensions, continuities, and ambiguities between different regimes, such as the regimes regulating labour migration and those intended to combat severe exploitation. While at national level the focus is on relevant Italian legal and policy instruments and approaches, the book also offers a comparative look at those adopted in the UK. This critical analysis considers labour exploitation both in its systemic dimension and as a continuum. It sheds lights on how forms of exploitation are associated with different ‘situational’ vulnerabilities produced by the interplay of personal and structural factors in line with a gender and intersectional approach. By engaging an analysis of the ways in which the concepts of exploitation and vulnerability are addressed and formulated in various international, European, and national legal and policy instruments, the study reveals the limitations and ambiguities of applicable legislation and policies. The book is a great resource for students and academics in the field as well as legal practitioners and policymakers interested in human rights, migration studies, labour rights, labour exploitation, and gender related issues.

Cham: Springer Nature, 2024. 323p.

Edited by Ramona Negrón, Jessica den Oudsten, Camilla de Koning, and Karwan Fatah-Black

In this book, a new generation of scholars offers fresh perspectives on the history of the Dutch slave trade. Traditionally, Dutch research has focused on business practices, often overlooking the enslaved and the complexities of illegal trade and violence. By experimenting with innovative methodologies and underutilised primary sources, this volume reveals the potential to uncover perspectives of enslaved people aboard slave ships, to investigate unstudied areas like sexual violence, and to examine the roles of Dutch elite in the trade.

Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2025. 274p.

By Martina Prpic; Graphics: Giulio Sabbati

Human trafficking is a serious crime and a violation of human rights. It has been on the rise because of increasing mobility, the spread of internet use and the generally low risks and high profit involved. The true extent of the problem can only be estimated, as complete statistics are not available and data are difficult to collect. However, even without exact numbers, it can be observed that a victim's gender influences the likelihood, manner and purpose of their being exploited. Available data on the prevalence of human trafficking show that most victims are women and girls, although men and boys are registered as victims in increasing numbers, as are transgender people. Sexual exploitation is by far the number one purpose of trafficking in women, while forced labour is the main purpose of trafficking in male victims. The leading factors that contribute to trafficking in women are their vulnerability, particularly as a consequence of violence, and demand for their sexual services. Traffickers usually exploit the dire economic situation of people searching for a better life abroad. The internet plays an important role, as does migrant smuggling. Sex trafficking also has an impact on how EU Member States legislate for prostitution, as authorities are aware that many people may not engage in prostitution willingly. The EU has adopted key instruments to tackle trafficking in human beings. In line with international standards, these instruments take a victim-centred approach and recognise that support and protection of victims, as well as prevention, should be gender-specific. In the most recent legislative instruments, the crime's digital dimension has been given more attention. The European Parliament is playing an important part in shaping EU policies in the field, and has pushed for more progress. This updates a briefing written by Anja Radjenovic and Sofija Voronova in 2016.

Brussels: EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service, 2024. 10p.

By Unions NSW

This report on workplace exploitation and the experience of migrant women living in Australia on temporary visas identifies an unacceptable level of sexual harassment, exacerbated by visa status, and calls for immediate policy action. The report makes recommendations to create a safer and more equitable working environment for migrant women.

The study underscores the need to implement policy changes that target intersecting issues experienced by migrant women in Australia. Migrant women on temporary visas are forced to endure sexual harassment in silence due to numerous factors, including uncertainty regarding their immigration status, precarious work, and racial and gender workplace discrimination. The research also underscores the need to allocate more resources to developing services to provide advice, education, and training to empower migrant women to report sexual harassment.

Key findings

• 51% of respondents reported having experienced sexual harassment at work.

• Sexual harassment was commonly reported in the construction, hospitality, horticulture, retail, and cleaning industries.

• 82% of respondents who worked in the construction industry experienced sexual harassment.

• Participants experienced a range of repercussions when they tried to defend themselves, rejected the behaviour or reported the harasser’s conduct.

• 48% working in the construction and horticulture industries decided to leave their job because they felt unsafe.

• 50% of those who experienced workplace sexual harassment were concerned that reporting could result in losing their job, and 75% did not report the incident.

Recommendations

1. Migrant worker centres should be established in each state.

2. Culturally appropriate education and training should be developed in each state in collaboration with migrant worker groups.

3. Implement a legal framework and policies to protect migrant women.

4. Develop reporting pathways that reflect the needs of migrant women.

5. Introduce reforms to ensure migrant women have access to existing legal avenues to address sexual harassment.

6. Facilitate migrant women's access to employment opportunities.

7. Provide temporary migrant women with visa protections to ensure they can report sexual harassment without fear of visa cancellations or other negative impacts to their immigration status.

8. Remove the requirement for working holiday makers to undertake ‘specified work’ in regional areas.

9. Remove the working hours cap on student visas.

Sydney: Unions NSW, 2024. 56p.

By Rachel Rein

This Note explores human trafficking in the United States through Disability Critical Race Studies (DisCrit). First, the Note offers background on trafficking and applicable federal law. The Note shows that not only does trafficking disable people, but that people with preexisting disabilities are especially at risk for trafficking. Next, the Note indicates that trafficking law follows a Law-and-Order framework that retraumatizes marginalized survivors. Then, the Note introduces DisCrit and justifies its use for anti-trafficking advocacy. Finally, the Note applies DisCrit. By looking at trafficking law through DisCrit, it becomes clear that trafficking law must work with—not against—survivors to end human suffering.

42 Colum. J. Gender & L. 183 (2022).

By Nina Rabin

This Article describes the ways in which prolonged states of legal limbo have grown more precarious, and thereby subordinating, under the Trump administration. Liminal forms of status have long been a feature of U.S. immigration law. But under the Trump administration, legal limbo grew both in prevalence and precarity. Due to Trump’s pursuit of an aggressive enforcement agenda, the legal system has become so overwhelmed that non-detained immigrants find themselves in protracted removal proceedings that routinely last for years. During this time, immigrants are consigned to a marginalized existence that harms their long-term ability to achieve social and economic mobility and integration. In this way, legal limbo has become increasingly tied to the creation and maintenance of a caste system in U.S. society. This Article offers a new conceptual framework, the “spectrum of precarity,” to analyze how and to what extent various types of liminal legal status in immigration law marginalize immigrants. Application of this spectrum to the states of limbo experienced by immigrants under the Obama and Trump administrations reveals very different approaches and outcomes. President Obama created liminal forms of legal status through specific policies and programs: administrative closure and the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program (DACA). These efforts were explicitly designed to provide immigrants with a measure of social integration, along with protection from deportation. In contrast, immigrants in the Trump Era found themselves in limbo due to ballooning backlogs in the over-burdened legal immigration system. As a result, at the close of the Trump administration, immigrants with pending visas and asylum-seekers live in a state of prolonged uncertainty and fear that forces them into a marginalized existence in the shadows. This state of affairs poses a challenge for removal defense attorneys of non-detained immigrants, and calls into question the due process framework that often serves as a guiding structure for advocates in the immigration system. Due process, with its focus on discrete legal events and its failure to pay sufficient attention to the passage of time, risks causing attorneys to become accomplices in the creation of caste. Instead, in the current dysfunctional and disempowering legal immigration system, removal defense attorneys must seek to counterbalance the marginalizing effects of legal limbo on their clients’ daily lives and future trajectories through multi-faceted, interdisciplinary, and community-based models of lawyering.

35 Geo. Immigr. L.J. 567,569. 2021.

By Jonathan Booth

Privately managed detention centers hold the majority of detained immigrants in Immigration and Customs Enforcement (“ICE”) custody. Coerced detainee labor in these for-profit facilities is commonplace. The practice contributes significantly to the financial viability of CoreCivic and GEO Group, the two corporations which manage most ICE detention centers, but it violates the prohibition on forced labor contained in the 2000 Trafficking Victims Protection Act (“TVPA”).

Despite a growing field of scholarship on “crimmigration” and proposals to abolish immigration detention, or on its extraterritorial application. Because practitioners, rather than scholars, were the first to recognize that the TVPA’s prohibition of forced labor applies to private detention centers, there has been little scholarly analysis of the application of the TVPA to forced labor within detention facilities.

This Article provides the first scholarly assessment of a wave of pending class action lawsuits challenging forced labor in privately managed ICE facilities under the TVPA. It concludes that such lawsuits are likely to succeed, given the facts known about conditions in for-profit immigrant detention facilities and the broad text and favorable legislative history of the TVPA. If the plaintiffs win a favorable jury verdict or a far-reaching settlement, the cases may cause fundamental changes to the current system of mass immigration detention.

Part I of this Article examines the rise of for-profit detention in the United States and shows that detaining immigrants is now a central business of forprofit detention corporations. Next, Part II describes the labor policies within ICE detention that plaintiffs in these lawsuits allege amount to forced labor and thus violate the TVPA. Part III turns to the TVPA itself and analyzes its text, legislative history, and applicability to class actions. Part IV argues that its text and legislative history demonstrate that the TVPA covers forced labor claims within for-profit immigrant detention facilities and that such claims, if successful, could transform the business of detaining immigrants. Finally, Part V argues that publicly available information, including that revealed through discovery in these lawsuits, makes it likely that plaintiffs will prevail at trial.

35 Georgetown Immigration Law Journal 573 (2020)

By Carme COLOMINA, Héctor SÁNCHEZ MARGALEF, Richard YOUNGS

Around the world, disinformation is spreading and becoming a more complex phenomenon based on emerging techniques of deception. Disinformation undermines human rights and many elements of good quality democracy; but counter-disinformation measures can also have a prejudicial impact on human rights and democracy. COVID-19 compounds both these dynamics and has unleashed more intense waves of disinformation, allied to human rights and democracy setbacks. Effective responses to disinformation are needed at multiple levels, including formal laws and regulations, corporate measures and civil society action. While the EU has begun to tackle disinformation in its external actions, it has scope to place greater stress on the human rights dimension of this challenge. In doing so, the EU can draw upon best practice examples from around the world that tackle disinformation through a human rights lens. This study proposes steps the EU can take to build counter-disinformation more seamlessly into its global human rights and democracy policies.

Brussels: European Parliament, Policy Department for External Relations Directorate General for External Policies of the Union, 2021. 84p.

By Danielle Blunt and Ariel Wolf

This short article presents in brief the findings of a community-based, sex worker-led survey that asked sex workers about their experiences since the closure of Backpage and adoption of FOSTA. It shows that the financial situation of the vast majority of research participants has deteriorated, as has their ability to access community and screen clients. It concludes that FOSTA is just the latest example of the US government using anti-trafficking policy and restrictions on technology to police already marginalised people.

Anti-Trafficking Review, (14), 117–121. https://doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220148